Planning Minister Ahsan Iqbal, who also serves as Secretary General of the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), has reignited a decades-old debate with a sweeping call to overhaul Pakistan’s administrative structure.
Speaking at a consultative session in early September 2026, Iqbal argued that the country’s existing two-tier system of federal and provincial governments has “exhausted itself” and can no longer effectively govern a population of roughly 250–260 million people.
Pakistan currently consists of four provinces — Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Balochistan, a framework largely shaped in the 1970s. Iqbal maintains this structure is too centralized and monopolistic, contributing to the breakdown of social service delivery in health, education, and poverty alleviation.
The Two Options on the Table
Iqbal outlined two primary paths forward:
▪️Creating 12 to 15 new provinces or administrative units, effectively dividing each of the existing four provinces into roughly three smaller ones on an equitable basis. He has stressed the need for a formula that avoids drastic shifts in Senate representation.
▪️Alternatively, establishing 160 fully empowered district governments if consensus on new provinces cannot be reached.
He noted that Pakistan currently has only about 1,170 public offices serving its massive population. Resolving citizens’ problems, he said, would require creating 150,000–200,000 government posts through strengthened local authorities.
Without a functional third tier of government, Iqbal argued, democratic governance cannot operate smoothly.
The minister has also shared preliminary ideas for a new administrative structure for the Islamabad Capital Territory, including a proposed 27-member elected assembly, though these remain at the draft stage pending approval from Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif.
Why the Push Now?
Debates over new provinces including longstanding demands for Bahawalpur, Hazara, and Saraikistan (South Punjab) — have simmered for 30–40 years. What has changed is that the discussion has now reached the highest levels of government.
Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi earlier described the current system as “collapsed” and urged national consensus on new administrative units. Iqbal himself first publicly floated the idea of 12–15 provinces in a newspaper article in mid-2025 and has continued pressing the issue.
Several structural failures underpin the urgency:
▪️Incomplete devolution after the 18th Amendment (2010):
The federal government transferred 17 major subjects to the provinces, but the provinces largely failed to devolve powers further to local governments. This created “centre-heavy” provinces that remain unresponsive to grassroots needs.
▪️Worsening social indicators:
Despite increased provincial funding under the National Finance Commission (NFC) Award, outcomes in education, health, and poverty have deteriorated.
▪️High-profile governance failures:
The August 26, 2026 fire at the Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences (PIMS) in Islamabad, which killed 14 newborns in a critical-care nursery, shocked the nation and underscored systemic breakdowns in public institutions. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif ordered investigations and suspended the federal health secretary.
▪️Iqbal has framed the choice starkly:
Either build truly empowered district-level local governments that bring decision-making closer to citizens, or initiate a national debate on creating smaller, more manageable provinces.
Political and Constitutional Hurdles
Any change to provincial boundaries requires a constitutional amendment, needing a two-thirds majority in both houses of Parliament and the consent of the affected provincial assembly. This high bar has historically stalled reform.
The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), whose political stronghold is Sindh, has strongly opposed moves that could divide the province.
Other parties have shown mixed reactions. While some PML-N voices and allies such as the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan (MQM-P) have expressed openness to new units particularly for Karachi.
Mainstream parties have often preferred strengthening the existing local government system under Article 140-A rather than redrawing provincial maps.
PTI has historically supported certain new provinces, including South Punjab, but insists on a government with a clear popular mandate.
Iqbal has called for the Prime Minister to form a committee (via the law minister) to launch a formal national and political debate. He has emphasized that any restructuring must rest on political consensus and an equitable formula so that Senate and resource shares do not shift too dramatically in one direction.
As of early September 2026, no formal federal decision or committee had been announced; officials noted that discussions would await the Prime Minister’s return from foreign travel.
Broader Context and Precedents
Proponents point to international examples: Turkey has more than 80 provinces for a smaller population, India has created numerous new states since independence, and Afghanistan maintains dozens of provinces.
Supporters argue smaller units would improve service delivery, accountability, and local leadership while reducing the distances citizens must travel for basic government services.
Critics counter that the real failure lies in the non-implementation of existing local government provisions rather than the number of provinces themselves.
Creating new provinces would also reopen complex questions around the NFC Award, Senate representation, High Courts, and fiscal transfers potentially creating new expenditure claims without guaranteed efficiency gains.
Some circulating drafts in Islamabad have floated far more ambitious schemes (20–32 units), but these remain speculative and lack official endorsement.
What Comes Next?
Ahsan Iqbal’s intervention has elevated an old debate to the centre of national politics at a moment of visible governance stress.
Whether Pakistan moves toward a radically redrawn map of 12–15 provinces or doubles down on 160 empowered districts will depend on the political will to build consensus across parties that have long treated provincial boundaries as existential.
For now, the proposal remains a call for debate rather than an official government plan. But the underlying diagnosis that the current structure is mismatched to the country’s size, population, and service-delivery needs has gained unusual traction at the highest levels of the state.
The coming months will reveal whether this momentum produces meaningful reform or joins the long list of unfinished administrative conversations in Pakistan’s history.
